This study analyzes the social and cultural development process of tourism development in Banjar Nyuh-Kuning, a rural village in Bali, and the cultural practices of local residents in this area. In the first chapter, research question is posed based o... This study analyzes the social and cultural development process of tourism development in Banjar Nyuh-Kuning, a rural village in Bali, and the cultural practices of local residents in this area. In the first chapter, research question is posed based on the methods of examining the life of Balinese people who make up a unique part of Indonesian history and culture. To this end, I emphasize the need for the discussion of tourism and traditional culture that are closely associated to the current political, economic, social and cultural conditions of Bali. In addition, the direction and framework of this study is specified and anthropological approach to traditions and tourism is examined from a critical perspective. In the second chapter, changes in history, culture and tourism in the Bali region before and after the establishment of the Republic of Indonesia are discussed from a historical context. The Bali region has formed various cultural characteristics from about 400 years ago. The history of the Balinese royal family serve as the basis for understanding Banjar culture formation and the Banjar culture at present—the main subject of this study. The Dutch East India Company (VOC) is emblematic of the Dutch colonization of Indonesia which had a direct and indirect social and cultural impact on Bali. Paradoxically, Bali’s rise as an international tourist destination is also a part of that imperialist legacy. The rise of Bali as an international tourist attraction can be attributed to the cultural tourism promotion policy of the Indonesian government in the 1960s. The image of Bali as “The Last Paradise” was consolidated into a tourism showcase for the Indonesian government. Of course, the dilemma of preservation and destruction of tradition from the tourism development of Bali was absorbed into the discourse of Pariwisata Budaya or cultural tourism of Bali Province in 1971, and Ubud is at the center of this discourse. Consequently, “Bali tourism” and “Ubud Art Village” are symbols of the colonial rule and the economic growth process after the establishment of the Indonesian state. In the process of social interaction, the understanding of traditions changed in various ways, and diversity was further enhanced through the medium of tourism. In the third chapter, the answers to these questions are explored: who is responsible for the tourism growth and village development; what is the driving force; and what is the socio-cultural context behind the development? Since the establishment of the Republic of Indonesia, the Indonesian economy has been driven by Bali tourism, even during the political and economic crisis, including coups, long-term dictatorships and economic crises. However, the 2002 Bali bombings had a tremendous impact on tourism development, and the tourism sector actually recorded negative growth. After the bombing, the Kampanye Ajeg Bali or “Erect Bali” campaign was started to rebuild the tourism sector, which in the end, ultimately resulted in the strengthening the Balinese ethnic identity. Nevertheless, the terrorist bombing location and factors provided growth momentum for tourism in the Ubud area to flourish. In particular, the increase in the number of long-term foreign residents living in the area serve as an important factor in the regional development. Local and foreign residents with heterogeneous cultural identities living in the same space show the process of various identities competing in the discourse of “tourism” and “village development.” Ultimately, the process of social and cultural development was investigated through the discourse of “economic growth,” “development,” and “preservation of tradition.” In the subsequent chapters four and five, ecotourism and cultural tourism are discussed, a specific type of tourism that take place in the Ubud area and Nyuh-Kuning village. It focuses on the development factors and processes of these tourism, as well as interactions with socio-cultural resources. In the end, various traditions constructed according to socio-cultural conditions are commercialized into tourism products and this serves as a concrete example of the formation of relations between residents and tourists. Specifically, Chapter Four focuses on ecotourism, paying particular attention to the discourse formation of “Green Bali” and Balinese Subak or water management system for foreign tourists. The utilization of ecotourism through Subak system around the Ubud area became the driving force behind this region’s development. In the process of commercialization of Subak, land prices rose sharply and two problems ensued. First, there is a question of whether local residents are receiving commensurate compensation for the value of the commodity, and second, there is an issue of how to evaluate the cultural value of Subak, which is undergoing rapid damage. In the end, the process of commercialization of Subak resulted in the substitution of philosophical thoughts of the local people that value earth and harmony and balance between the spirit and human worlds and nature with material things. Chapter Five discusses Banjar's alienated role in the development of cultural tourism in the Bali region and low awareness of tourists. Various cultural tourism products based on Balinese traditional culture originated from Banjar culture. Despite this fact, the vast majority of tourists experience fragmented cultural tourism products as many are not aware of the connection between cultural tourism and Banjar. The role of Banjar in the development of cultural tourism, especially the process of re-recognition of traditional discourse, became the main impetus for the prosperity of the village. For this purpose, the demands of foreign residents in the village and the role of local residents in their response is discussed. Eventually, tourists and village community experience the process of acculturation under one space, which provides an opportunity for each group to newly recognize tradition. Chapter Six discusses the response and cultural practices of Nyuh-Kuning residents that share the belief of tourism development and economic achievement. Nyuh-Kuning is an ethnic community and residents are related by blood ties. Nyuh-Kuning residents share the belief that individual economic achievement will be returned to the village, and vice versa, there is a belief that the success of Banjar will result in the success of its people. Based on this belief, residents accept the discourse of "Pembuatan Banjar Layak Huni" and make various efforts to realize this. In the process of actualizing the discourse, the villagers are strengthening the existing villagers’ gathering activities (Sangkep, PKK, Pemuda) and creating new tourism related groups (Pecalang, Koperasi Taxi). In particular, religious ceremonies in everyday life are useful for examining the contexts of cultural practices for actualizing the discourse of “well-to-do village” and the identities of the villagers. The ritual practices of Nyuh-Kuning residents are conducted under difference perceptions from the past. In particular, individuals, families, and communities themselves recognize the importance of social capital and actively use rituals to construct them. Eventually, the ritual practices of residents are used as a means of maintaining trust and norms, cooperative networks and social reputation. From the discussions aforementioned, the following three conclusions are drawn. First, the historical development of tourism in Bali is based on RW (Rukun Warga) and RT (Rukun Tentangga), which represent the subordinate relations between the state and the village that originated from the “pembangunan” policy of the Soeharto regime. However, this is not accepted as socially and culturally significant. In the Bali region, villages are classified in terms of Banjar rather than in RW and RT, and in the village, the Kelompok unit takes precedence. Banjar and Kelompok are used as boundary and separation means for maintaining traditional customs practices of the village such as village rituals. In addition, “regional culture” policy that emphasize the national integration of Indonesia is actually related to the situation where “ethnic culture” is accentuated at the village and province levels. Second, residents of Nyuh-Kuning learn to re-recognize tradition in the course of practicing tourism. In particular, the process of commercialization of culture, the maintenance of Banjar community, and the maintenance of existential authenticity are a part of the process of re-recognition and involution of village tradition. The various activities of residents in order to achieve trust and social reputation in the ritual practice process are understood as a type of “traditional involution” process. Third, the foreign residents in the villages provide an opportunity to reexamine tourism practices that stemmed from the concept of existing objectivism and constructivism authenticity. The perception of the authenticity of foreign residents is a part of the ontological awareness resulting from everyday satisfactions and security in the course of experiencing tourism. In the end, the process of the development of Nyuh-Kuning village as a tourist attraction may be understood from the viewpoint of as a type of existential authenticity that the foreign residents acquire as they practice village traditions. ，韩语论文题目，韩语论文 |
