The purpose of this is to demonstrate with population-related data that the coexistence patterns of vowel variations were the results of social variation processes by the influx and mixture of the population. For that purpose, the study took an extern...
The purpose of this is to demonstrate with population-related data that the coexistence patterns of vowel variations were the results of social variation processes by the influx and mixture of the population. For that purpose, the study took an external linguistic explanation method instead of the old internal linguistic one to approach the process of ‘ㅚ ’ and ‘ㅟ’, which were falling diphthongs in late Middle Korean, becoming monophthongs or rising diphthongs in late Modem Korean.
Previous studies generally understood the changing process of ㅚ and ㅟ as
a successive one. Two good examples are oj>ö>we, uj>ü>wi (Lee Sung-nyeong 1954, Choi Myeong-ok, 1982) and oj>we>ö(Choi Jeong-seung 1987). It is estimated that monophthongization happened between the late 19th century and the early 20th century. The internal linguistic explanation also estimates that the rising diphthongization, the next stage after monophthongization, occurred after it.
However, it was confirmed that ö and we emerged at a similar time in the
late Modem Korean. That is, we and wi, rising diphthongs, seem to have appeared between the late 19th century and the early 20th century similar to monophthongs ö and ü. When considering the gradual nature of linguistic changes, there is some pressure that the monophthongization of ‘ㅚ’ and ‘ㅟ’ should be moved before the 19th century, which is also found in the literature. The words representing rising diphthongs ([we] and [wi]) already appeared in the literature reflecting the central language in the 19th century, and ‘ㅚ’ and ‘ㅟ’ were transcribed as rising diphthongs in the data published by a non-Korean in the 19th century. In other words, it is difficult to discover a gap between the time when monophthongs appeared and the time when diphthongs did in the literature as they already existed in a synchronic variation relationship in the literature in the late 19th century.
If /oj/ had changed into /ö/ by abbreviation at a time in Modem Korean
(Lee Sung-nyeong 1954), the presence of /oj/ should have been accompanied by the presence of /ö/ instead of a sudden change from /oj/ to /ö/. One can say that [oj], [ö] and [we] were in a variant relationship according to the phonological environment of /ㅚ/. However, if it is pointed out that there is no consistency in vowels according to a phonological environment and combined consonants, it will also result in some limitations with the internal linguistic explanation method. The present study explained it as a social variation relationship.
Chapter 1 introduced the objectives, methods, and subjects of the study and presented the subject data.
Chapter 2 addressed the explanation methods for the causes behind linguistic changes by dividing them into internal and external linguistic factors. It also pointed out the limitations with the internal linguistic factors in explaining the monophthongization and rising diphthongization of ‘ㅚ’ and ‘ㅟ’ and tried to overcome them with external linguistic factors.
Chapter 3 provided an explanation about the forming processes of [we], [ wi], [ö], and [ü] at the geographic dialect stage with the literature data on the dialect of each region. Gyeongsang Province was the only region where /we/ and /wi/ existed in the dialectal vowel system in the late 19th century with /ö/ or /ü/ included in the dialectal vowel system in the other regions. There were /ö/ and /ü/ or / oj/ and /uj/ in the vowel system of the Seoul dialect despite differences in opinions among scholars, but no presence of /we/ and /wi/ was confirmed. In the Seoul dialect, there was a synchronic variation relationship between [ö] and [we] and [ti] and [wi]. They should be regarded as a social variation by the speakers with a command of monophthongs [ö] and [ü] and the population with a command of rising diphthongs [we] and [wi] instead of a consecutive relationship by internal linguistic changes.
Chapter 4 traced the influx process of the Gyeongsang Province population, who spoke rising diphthongs, into Seoul in the 19th century with the population statistics. In late Joseon, Seoul was in the middle of rapid urbanization and witnessed the active influx of local residents. That is, the period was characterized by the mixture of linguistic systems of local speakers in the Seoul dialect‘ It was examined by dividing the influx population into the upper class and the middle and lower class.
Chapter 5 summarized and arranged the aforementioned content.
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