In a January 2000article in Foreign Affairs，Robert Zoellick（now U.S.TradeRepresentative）chided President Clinton for taking a nine-day trip to China butpassing up Japan，a U.S.ally that China had just criticized for agreeing to newdefense guidelines with the U.S.93He also criticized Clinton for "failing to preparethe American public for China‘s missile buildup ，its nuclear espionage，and itscrack-downs on democracy."94 Reject "engagement"and promote candor The Defense Strategy Review issued bythe Pentagon before 9/11underscored the challenge of a rising China，and an earlier"Asia 2025"assessment depicted the China of the future as a potentially dangerousforce.95Seen in the context of the Hainan incident and China‘s military expansion，these are valid judgments."Engagement"with China is a worthy sentiment，but itmust be conducted with a clear understanding that China sees the U.S.commitmentto Asian democracy both as a threat to the legitimacy of the Beijing regime andas a hegemonic threat. Watch China‘s public posture，not its private assurances In facing the NorthKorean menace ，the Administration would be better advised to coordinate closelywith Japan and Australia than to rely on the kindness of the Chinese leadership ，which views the survival of the Pyongyang regime as a major security interest. Although they tell American counterparts in private that their government genuinelyseeks a denuclearized Korean Peninsula，Chinese officials have never uttered eithera public word of condemnation against North Korea‘s nuclear weapons program or apublic word of support for America‘s efforts to disarm the North.In spite of this，the exigencies of the war on terrorism，the reconstruction of Iraq ，and a potentialcrisis over North Korea‘s nuclear ambitions are clouding America‘s judgment of itsrelationship with China. Take a "back to basics"approach In 1945，President Harry Truman told GeneralGeorge Marshall （about to embark on the Marshall Mission to China）that a "strong，united，and democratic China is in the most vital interest of the United Statesand all the United Nations."96In the intervening half-century，the "democratic"has fallen off the list to the point that Secretary of State Powell merely observesthat "America welcomes the emergence of a strong，peaceful and prosperous China."97The Administration and Congress should approach the China issue in a way that focusesattention on the fundamental American values of freedom and democracy. Conclusion In an article written for Foreign Affairs during the 2000presidentialcampaign，National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice acknowledged the need forChina‘s integration into the international economy，but also warned that China‘shuman rights situation must not be ignored："Rather，the American president shouldpress the Chinese leadership for change."98Indeed，this message came through loudand clear during President Bush‘s two visits to China in October 2001and February2002. Moreover，in her article ，Rice recognized that "even if there is an argumentfor economic interaction with Beijing ，China is still a potential threat to stabilityin the Asia-Pacific region."She conceded that China is a "strategic competitor ，"not the "strategic partner"that the Clinton Administration envisioned.99 Rice also examined U.S.policy toward Taiwan，asserting that the U.S.has a"deep interest in the security of Taiwan."She foresaw a Bush Administration thatwould press China to renounce the use of force in resolving the conflicted relationshipbetween Taipei and Beijing. A dispassionate examination of how China has approached key foreign policy，trade ，and national security issues over the past two years suggests that ，farmore often than not ，China has opposed U.S.interests or，法语论文题目，at the very least，has remained neutralor aloof.China has provided little support in the war on terrorism，did not simply "stand by"during the Iraq War ，has hampered efforts to ease thereconstruction of Iraq，and has not helped to bring North Korea around to dismantlingits nuclear weapons programs. Before they joined the Bush Administration，Rice ，Zoellick ，and Armitageall articulated clear-eyed，realistic，and unsentimental views of how to managethe challenges that a rising China poses to the interests of peace and democracyin Asia.A constructive and cooperative relationship with China can emerge onlyif American policymakers understand that the promotion of democratic ideals anda stable American presence in Asia are objectives that China‘s leaders seek to obstruct，and engage China on that basis alone. The bottom line is that any portrayal of China‘s foreign policy behavior assomehow sharing American interests is a disservice to the American people and theirelected representatives in Congress. John J.Tkacik，Jr.，is Research Fellow in China Policy in the Asian StudiesCenter at The Heritage Foundation.100 1.Richard Armitage ，"Remarks by Richard L.Armitage，Deputy Secretary ofState ，"Asia Society Forum，Sydney ，Australia，August 13，2003， |
