网范文：“Dynamics of the Corruption Eradication in Indonesia ” 这篇范文讨论了一个重要方面，对于根除腐败在印尼的复杂性。根除腐败不仅实际上是对执法,而且是对社会、经济和政治方面的作用。通过提取数据，从国家新闻媒体和来描述政治行动,焦点小组讨论专家、从业人员和社会活动家研讨方案。自1998年改革以来,腐败已经成为严重的焦点，官僚腐败是一个重点方面。政府数十亿资金损失可能发生由于腐败的政府官员。
寻求方式寻根除腐败有一定的挑战。不彻底的根除腐败会使民众失去信心，英语论文，在印尼,自2017年以来,根除腐败委员会成立作为一种特殊的政府机构打击贪污。下面的范文讲述了这一问题。
Abstract
The discusses an important aspect of the complexity of corruption eradication in Indonesia. Corruption eradication is practically not merely about law enforcement, but also related to social, economic, and political aspects of the nation. By extracting the data from national news media and implement models describing the sentiment relations among political actors, the connection between balance of the sentiment among political elites and the critical levels of the investigation and law enforcement is apparently demonstrated. The focus group discussions among experts, practitioners, and social activists confirm the model. Keywords: corruption eradication, Indonesia, KPK RI, political actor, sentiment relations.
Introduction
Since the reform 1998, corruption has become a serious focus when people talk about Indonesian social, economy, and politics. Bureaucratic corruption is an important focus due to aspects of public services. Corrupt solicitation between the public officials with other agents potentially prohibit parts (otherwise the whole or great deal of) the rights and accesses to public services [9]. Billions money of government loss may occur due to the scattered corrupt public officials. A concern on the varieties and modes of corruption has given challenges on the quest to eradicate of bureaucratic corruption. Half-hearted eradication of corruption may have yielded many possible modes of economy among citizens trying to reach out the services they are actually deserved. A previous study has shown hypothetically a dynamical model of the economy demonstrating the possible interdependence between those social agents in the side of against corruption and the corrupt agents [11].
In Indonesia, since the year of 2017 the Corruption Eradication Commission (Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi, KPK RI) was formed as a special government agency to combat corruptions [8]. This agency is constitutionally given a great deal of law enforcing privileges to enhance their code of duties combating corruption. Over the years, KPK RI has grown into a great commission by capturing some big and notorious corruptors sitting on well-respected national chairs of public services being part of the governmental body. It has been commonly realized that only such Special Forces may combat corruption, leaving aside other government bodies of law enforcement. While concentrating on corruption eradications, KPK may nonetheless clash with other high ranked public officials, famous and well-respected political figures, holding some sort of power to inhibit the investigations being delivered.
There is possibility that the institutional position of the commission is endangered while she is facing political giants, economic tycoons, and so on. The legal affairs have practically turns out to be political eventually. That is why, KPK, being a law enforcement body, in some cases must carefully observed political constellations in holding their missions. Corruption is not merely a legal problem, but the complexity has grown into economy and politics of the country. The discusses the issue of political sustainability of a corruption eradication forces in Indonesia. As a perspective, it uses a result of focus group discussions (FGD) collecting information from experts and activists that have been related to the activities as part, or simply meticulously observe the actions of KPK over the years. Then the data mining from all over online sources of national news media is used to measure some quantitative aspects of the issue of corruption in Indonesia. Some models are then proposed to observe the political dynamics in Indonesia related to corruption and its eradication over the years.
Corruption and the Political Dynamics
A focus group discussion delivered on seeing on the possible threat of corruption eradication process in the country driven by the KPK yielded some recommendation on looking over political aspects that may become the threat of the law enforcement over corrupt public officials. High ranked corruptors must have great access to social, economic, and political power, thus investigation is never easy. By using the cognitive mapping [10] over the focus group discussion, we can see how political it is the vulnerability of the corruption eradication processes in Indonesia as shown in figure 1.
Political parties, institutions, and various types of social (elite) figures play the political stages. The only resources to capture the dynamics of the political stages are the mass media. Journalism always try to any news in the speed of time with some constraints of depth of the story as well as the “value of public interest” with the it. Sometimes there is also a characteristic that “bad news is a good news”, thus investigative to reveal the relations among actors and factors is valued more among journalists and ers. Thus, collectively news as recorded by mass media is an interesting resource to capture the dynamics among political actors. The more a case is “heated”, the more the volume of the s regarding to that issue in the news media. It is easy to check this within the online facility of Google Trends. By using the appropriate keywords, we can discover the ups and downs of the news volume due to issues and topics at the moment as shown in figure 2.
News media s the level of preference (or contra view) of a political figures with a kind of concept. From the corpus of news media, we can have a list showing the sentiment of many political figures to a particular concept. By using the model of social sentiment balance theory [7] we can extract another list depicting the sentiment between two political figures based on the (positive and negative sentiment to a concept). From the list, we are having the sentiment graph representation among political actors. Despite all the privileges for the law enforcement on corruption cases, the collective power outside the commission may potentially harm the anti-corruption movement and investigations, once corruptors hold access to capitalists, massive political mobilizations, mass media (including the so called social media), legal systems and bodies outside the special commission for corruption eradication, and so on. This mapping has brought us to a recognition that the political affairs are intertwined with the corruption eradications and should not be seen independently.
The result of the comparison is shown in figure 4. In the figure, it is apparent that there seems to be a kind of “threshold” within the subjective “level of danger” respect to the cases held by the KPK RI. The subjective “level of danger” is in fast linear relations with the one calculated by the four measurements we introduced in the previous section, and then followed by the more slower 7 changes. There is interestingly a persistent pattern that the higher the calculated measurements in the news media, the higher the subjective level of dangers observed by the selected experts, practitioners, and activists of the Focus Group Discussion. A similar pattern of the non-linearity between objective measurements and the subjective observation is also discussed in the conflict of Wikipedia, the open digital encyclopedia on the net [12]. There is obviously a slight difference between the measurements by the calculations of sentiment relations among political actors with the one we calculate by the volume of articles counted. The volume of s in news media seemed to be persistently steep down in numbers when the subjective level of danger gets into a certain value. In other words, we can say that the frequency of news does not necessarily have to be related to the levels of dangers observed by the experts, practitioners, and the activists involved in the observations of the cases. Journalism cannot necessarily capture the “inner” critical psychology within the cases. However, the interacting sentiment relations as ed by journalism can “see” the critical moments as observed and felt in subjective views. Thus we can see, that there is a direct relation between the conflicting political figures and the levels of critical moments on every investigation for corruption eradications in Indonesia.
Concluding Remarks
The complexity of social life has forbidden us to see problem merely by using singular perspectives. Corruption eradications is a complex aspect of human life while corruption itself is never simpler. In Indonesia, KPK RI has become an important institutional body for eradicating corruption. In her works combating corruption in Indonesia, KPK RI has faced the reality that corruption eradication is not as simple as the law enforcement, but also has been grown to be a political discourse. The focus group discussions expressed that social, economic, and political life of the nation should be put into account while eradicating the corrupt behavior within public chairs and finance. This has been confirmed by the observation to the volume of news media s due to the activities of KPK RI over the years. By extracting information from the corpus of major national news media, some models have been constructed to see the sentiment relations of political actors due to corruption issues in the country. The verification of the model interestingly demonstrated the connections between the tensions among political actors and the subjective observations on corruption eradication issue is persistent over the historical period of the KPK RI. The models delivered a proposal to see non-linear relations between political stages and the influence to the sustainability of corruption eradication throughout the critical moments endanger the existence of the institution.()
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