网范文:“Mathematics and Arithmetic” 定义为人类学习语言的能力,记录和个人文件可供检查。一开始探讨项目的选择,因为他们的数学能力。所有主要的皮肤颜色,这个核心的样本包括那些记录和个人文件。这篇社会范文讲述这一问题。这些不是太广泛使用,因为它会采取年检查整个记录,或太短暂的考虑。不存在一个完整的记录,阐述一个人的生活,英语论文范文,第二个感官能力的变化是改善味道和气味的能力。
在非正式的来源,味觉和嗅觉感知是很难分开的。当然,味觉和嗅觉是密切相关的。即使在那些感兴趣的领域,品味是一种浪费,行动的嗅觉讽刺。一些探讨者探讨它,但这样的努力是建立在基础科学很少。下面的范文进行详述。
The members of the sample were normal human beings, defined as human beings capable of learning human language, spoken or signed. Those whose records were examined numbered 154: 54 female, 100 male. They came from 11 of the 13 language families enumerated in the “Oxford Atlas of the World.” Their birth dates ranged from 1742 to 1948 with the great majority born in the 19th century. The sample is a purposive (Arkin and Colton, 1956; Bernard, 1994) sample for whom records and personal documents were available for examination. The sample members in the beginning of the research project were chosen because they were mathematically able. The members of the sample spoke 24 native languages. The sample is heavily weighted with those whose native languages were English or German. The 10 native languages that were represented in the sample with more than two members were English 87, German 14, French 8, Russian and Chinese each 5, and Spanish, Italian, Japanese, Hindi, and Dutch each 3. All shapes of the head, all major skin colors, and all Landsteiner blood groups (Montagu, 1961; Jurmain, et al., 1999) were represented in the sample along with two blind and three deaf. The sample members were from all the inhabited continents and several islands.
This core sample of 154 members includes those whose records and personal documents were available for examination. Hundreds more s from human beings’ lives were examined, but those were either too extensive to be used because it would have taken years to examine the whole record or too brief to be considered. There is no such thing as a complete record of the life of a human being. Among the hundreds of s that were examined and were not included in the core sample were many for whom there were medical records but no personal documents and those for whom there were personal documents but no medical or school records. Also in the big group that might be called the flimsy sample were numerous accounts of sensory ability changes. This flimsy sample also included one large group of human beings for whom the only source was a set of ophthalmologists’ records. For this group neither other records nor any personal documents were available. This flimsy sample numbered 1155.
Of the 154 members of the sample 152 appeared to move or fail to move through the order of sensory ability changes. This order is a macro-order, overriding sensory ability changes that occur in small increments (Mueller, 1965). Two elements that may have made the observation of the apparent order possible were, first, truncation, and, second, the possibility that a sensory ability change may be skipped. Both were part of the observations. Truncation is a salient feature of the movement through the order. Movement through the order can apparently be truncated before any of the changes have been experienced or after any one of the changes. Also movement through the order may be arrested for years over the average time between changes.
The apparent order of sensory ability changes is in contrast to the usual order in human development. According to Salkind (1985), an order in human development is traditionally defined as a straight-line list with no skips or variations in the series. However, in the apparent order the fourth change may apparently be skipped with some members of the sample moving directly from the third change to the fifth change. The truncation is also in contrast to the traditional order in human development. Further, according to Shepard (1987), there is no background belief in any such order.
The Apparent Order The five changes in the apparent order are (a) an improvement in auditory perception that is always accompanied by a marked increase in complexity of speech, (b) comparative myopia in which the sample member became more myopic than he or she had been and an improvement in ability to taste or in ability to smell or in both, (c) an increase in ability to discern and separate aural or visual or aural and visual stimuli simultaneously received, (d) comparative hyperopia in which the sample member became more far-sighted than he or she had been, and (e) a marked increase in ability in one or more, up to all five, of the sensory abilities considered in the research: audition, vision, gustation, olfaction, and tactile perception (touch) (Cholewiak and Collins, 1991).
This sequence of five changes has been called an order after Von Wright (1960), for all those in the sample who appeared to experience the second change had apparently experienced the first change, and all the members of the sample except two who appeared to experience the third change had apparently experienced the second change, and all those who appeared to experience the fourth and fifth changes had apparently experienced the third change. Six members of the sample appeared to experience none of the sensory ability changes in the apparent order. Because life records of these members of the sample, excepting medical and school records, appear to be recorded and preserved only rarely, five members of this group were siblings or childhood associates of other members of the sample, and the other was a male sports figure of the early 20th century. There is no evidence that any of the six who appeared to experience none of the changes became functionally literate. This observation must be tempered with a statement that learning to read where and when they lived was often deemed not very important, but the sibling or childhood associate of the five learned to read. An additional 44 who appeared to experience none of the sensory ability changes were observed in the flimsy sample.
The First Change The first sensory ability change in the apparent order appears to be an improvement in auditory perception. The increase in ability to hear is always accompanied by a marked increase in complexity of speech. This spurt in articulation is well-known among child development researchers and has been much discussed in the past 25 years (Dapretto and Bjork, 2017). The increase in complexity of speech was indicated by the sample member’s beginning to use polysyllabic words or combinations of monosyllabic words. The improvement in the sample member’s ability to hear was most often noted in vocal interchanges or in his or her hearing animal or transportation sounds not heard before. Although the spurt in articulation is an accepted reality among child development researchers, theorists, and editors, there are some investigators, among them Bloom (2017), who insist that there is no such thing as a word spurt. However it was ed in the records or personal documents of 88 of the 148 members of the sample who appeared to experience the first change. The range of ages at the time of this first change was from 13 months to 39 years; median: 1 year 7 months. A further statistical description of the ages at the times of the first change and the ages at the times of the subsequent changes also shows a positively skewed distribution. When an adaptation of the standard deviation (Wike, 1971) is applied to the range of ages at the time of the first change, the positive skew is illustrated: one standard deviation: 1 year 4 months to 2 years 7 months; two standard deviations: 1 year 2½ months to 3 years 2 months. In the flimsy sample an additional 800 examples of this change were observed.
The Second Change
The second sensory ability change in the apparent order is an improvement in ability to taste or in ability to smell or both and comparative myopia (Swanston and Wade, 1991) in which the sample member became more near-sighted than he or she had been. In informal sources gustatory and olfactory perception are difficult to separate. Wolsk (1967) explains, “Taste and smell are, of course, closely related.” Max (2017) writes, “Taste is the orphaned sense. Even among those interested in the field, it plays sidekick to smell. ‘Taste is a waste, the action’s in olfaction’ goes the quip. Few researchers study it, and when they do it is usually for the food industry. But such efforts are built on very little basic science.
The bodily processes behind taste—how information begins in the taste buds and then is sent via nerves to the brain, to be merged with input from the eyes and the nose and formed into a conceptual whole—remains unclear. ‘With taste, believe it or not, we’re still not actually sure how salty works,’ Marcia Pelchat, a researcher on food at the Monell Chemical Senses Center in Philadelphia, says, ‘That just amazes me.’” Myopia, of course, has been studied for a long time, but opinions about its cause and whether or not it can be treated have been widely varied over the course of its long reign as a subject of interest. The range of ages for the beginning of the second change is from 4 years 3 months to 56 years; one standard deviation: 6 years 7 months to 13 years 2 months; two standard deviations: 5 years 8 months to 20 years 8 months; median: 10 years 11 months. While many of the figures for the age at the time of the onset of each of the sensory ability changes in the order are approximate, the age figures for the onset of myopia are particularly inexact, but in a uniform way.
The recordings of the visual part of this change were usually made at the time of or shortly after situations where nearsightedness was noticed—the opening of school terms, the beginning of planting, sports or hunting seasons, and at the resumption of outdoor activities in climates with extreme winter or summer temperatures. For the 135 members of the sample who became more myopic than they had been neither congenital myopia (Francois, 1961) nor the night myopia that frequently occurs under conditions of low illumination (Curtin, 1985) was considered important. In the flimsy sample another 160 examples of this change were observed. The Third Change The third change in the observed order is an increase in ability to perceive and separate aural or visual or aural and visual stimuli simultaneously received. The number of members of the sample who appeared to experience this change is 94.
The age range for this third change was 6 years 1 1/2 months to 42 years 11 months; one standard deviation: 11 years 9 months to 14 years 9 months; two standard deviations: 10 years to 21 years 1 month; median: 12 years 9 months. The evidence for this change when it was visual was most often in the sample member’s seeing irregularities of many kinds or in observation of the night sky or in observation of weather. The auditory change was usually indicated in the sample member’s ability to hear one certain sound in the din of a machine shop or in the cacophony of an urban setting or in outdoor observation or in music with better identification of specific sounds in combination with other sounds. In the flimsy sample another 50 examples of this change were observed.
The Fourth Change
The fourth change in the apparent order of sensory ability changes is comparative hyperopia (Swanston and Wade, 1991) (Southall, 1937), hypermetropia. The members of the sample who appeared to experience the change became more far-sighted than they had been. In the upper ages the age range may be distorted by the onset of presbyopia, but this would, if an age of 35 years were applied to the onset of presbyopia, affect fewer than 10 of the 50 members of the sample who appeared to experience the fourth change. The lower end of the age range for the fourth change is 10 years 11 months. In the flimsy sample another 180 examples of the fourth change were examined. The Fifth Change The fifth change is a marked increase in ability in one or more, up to all five, of the sensory abilities considered in the research: vision, audition, olfaction, gustation, and touch (Heller and Schiff, 1991). In three members of the sample improvement in all five considered sensory abilities was described. ()
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