网范文：“An Apparent Order of Sensory Ability Changes in Human Beings” 本探讨报告探讨人类秩序，感官能力的表现，观察顺序变化可能不是重要的。感官能力的变化将是一个明显的秩序,因为它是孤立的记录。两组的读者是本课程的主要目标。这篇社会范文讲述了这一问题。首先是年轻成员受作用的学科，可能执行的探讨,要么复制的探讨，特别关于执行其他探讨策略，英语论文范文，在一个广泛的样本。第二组的目标读者是教育工作者和其他相关领域，从事教育可能描述的改变教育。
那些报告通常比较复杂,经常与一些预测有一定关联。心理学家们避免任何暗示的东西,可能选择正确的策略。样品将涉及部分的情况，它将打开新的机会在人文科学的探讨，英语论文，调查将在稍后描述。它在选择新的工作时,承诺增进知识和通过考试。下面的范文进行详述。
Introduction
This research will present the isolation of an order in human beings. The presentation of an observed order of sensory ability changes may or may not be important. The order of sensory ability changes will be called an apparent order because it was isolated when records and personal documents of 154 human beings were examined. The examination will be described later. Two groups of readers are the primary targets of this presentation. The first is young members of the affected disciplines who might perform research that either replicates the research done in the isolation of the apparent order or perform other research strategies on a broad sample. The second group of readers that is targeted is educators and others engaged in fields relating to education who might describe the changes in education that will be recommended if the apparent order is found to be significant and supportable or if it leads to work that does isolate an order that is supportable and significant.
A third group of readers is, of course, anyone who is interested, but there are so many ifs and ands that this group of readers—anyone who happens to read the — should be cautioned about waiting for someone to support the apparent order before he believes that the apparent order exists in the lives of human beings. The apparent order exists in the lives of the members of the sample that was examined, but it may not be the only order of sensory ability changes that human beings experience. It appears to be the only order that the members of the sample experience, but it is called an apparent order because others have not yet had an opportunity to see if it is experienced by members of other samples. This apparent order of sensory ability changes has not been presented. There was a time in psychology, when John Dewey was lavishing his blessings on the broadest group of researchers, when a great many such orders were presented.
Those presentations, which were often elaborate and frequently tied to some prediction that they made evolutionary sense, gave all such orders that might be proposed a bad name. Since then psychologists have avoided anything that hinted of any such order, and in the face of the failure of those early orders, the discipline probably chose the right tack. The sample that was examined will be described later. Considering the number of human beings there are, a few hundred is a very small sample. Furthermore, the sample has other limitations which will be touched upon later in the section about the sample. If the apparent order is indeed an order through which human beings move and fail to move, it will open new opportunities for research in the human sciences.
A reader may ask how anyone could believe that any such order could exist and not have been described, The answer is that two qualities that distinguish the apparent order might have kept it from being described: the first of these is that the changes in the apparent order while they appear to be experienced in the one order may be truncated and the second is that one of the changes may apparently be skipped. Truncation will be discussed later, and when the apparent order is presented, the change that may be skipped will be described. The nature of the investigation in which the apparent order was isolated may allow an investigator to see an apparent order where none was identified. The investigation will be described later. The presentation of new work in science is almost always the presentation of observations that have not previously been made. Such presentations are, upon first presentation, almost always wrong. It is the business of science to select the new work that holds promise of the advancement of knowledge and through examination and experimentation correct the new work so that it provides new understanding.
The apparent order is presented as if it were one order through which human beings move or fail to move. It is so presented because those members of the sample who did not appear to experience the one order are very small in number. It is also presented in that way because a wide variety of human beings—members of many language groups— appear to move through the one order or fail to move through it. The apparent order may not be the only order that human beings move through although it appears to be the order that almost all of the members of the sample that was examined moved through or failed to move through. The apparent order may be wrong. If the apparent order is supportable and significant, every researcher who examines the lives of the members of a large and diverse sample will find the same changes in the same progressions. The apparent order is presented with the knowledge that if it is supportable and significant it will open the way to new work in the human sciences.
Abstract
Examination of records and personal documents of 1309 human beings isolated an apparent order of sensory ability changes, for 154 members of the sample both records and personal documents were available. The five changes in the apparent order are (a) an improvement in auditory perception that always includes an increase in complexity of speech, (b) an improvement in ability to taste or to smell or both and comparative myopia in which the developing human being becomes more near-sighted than he or she has been, (c) an increase in ability to discern and separate aural or visual or aural and visual stimuli simultaneously received, (d) comparative hyperopia, and (e) a marked increase in ability in one or more up to all five of the sensory abilities considered in the research: audition, vision, gustation, olfaction, and touch.
Truncation of movement through the order is a salient feature, and the fourth change, comparative hyperopia, may be skipped. If the apparent order is significant and supportable, it may lead to new, productive research in many affected disciplines. Sensory ability changes are the subject of many disciplines. In child development (Dapretto and Bjork, 2017), physiology (Tortora and Anagnostakos, 1991), neurology (Pujol et al., 2017), and the auditory and visual sciences, sensory ability changes are treated often or occasionally. However, no linear order of sensory ability changes has been proposed.
In the research ed here a linear order of sensory ability changes was observed. The isolation of an order of sensory ability changes may provide an opening for new and productive research in many affected disciplines. If the apparent order of sensory ability changes is supportable and significant, new opportunities for both description and hypotheses will be available. Wohlwill (1973) considered the importance of description when he wrote, “… the descriptive phase of the research program … represents the lowest level of the research pyramid … If description is important for science generally, it is doubly so in the case of a field whose basic phenomena involve change, as is true of any developmental discipline or any field involving the analysis of change over time.” “Observation and comparison, of course, have always been of paramount importance in biology,” wrote Mayr (1985), and he listed other areas of science where observation and comparison and the resulting description have provided a way to promising further inquiry. Description is necessary to the formulation of “if-then” statements (Rudner, 1966) and testable statements (Hempel, 1966). Some commentators insist that there are too many variables for any progress to be made toward isolation of such an order (Magnusson and Casaer, 1993). The assurance that research in the human sciences need not be any more difficult than research in other areas of inquiry was offered by Magnusson when he wrote, “There is nothing more mysterious or incomprehensible about the dynamic processes of individual development than there is about the subject matters of other scientific disciplines concerned with dynamic processes.”
Method
Examination of records has long been a valid and productive method in the medical sciences (Allport, 1961). The guidelines for the use of personal documents to augment records were presented first in psychology by Allport (1942) and then in other social science disciplines—history, anthropology and sociology—by Gottschalk, Kluckhohn, and Angell (1945). Examination of records poses unsolved methodological problems, but methods generally deemed methodologically superior such as longitudinal research have proven less effective than forecast. For instance, two longitudinal studies long maintained in the United States by Block (1971) and Thomas and Chess (1980) kept no records on sensory ability changes in the populations of the studies. The use of personal documents to supplement records compounds the methodological problems.
Both archival methods and informal sources have limitations. Legibility and comprehensibility are problems, for much of the source material is in longhand and meanings change over time and distance. Moot points and contradictions can never be resolved. The investigator cannot measure; he or she can only tabulate, and few relevant measurements are given. An example of this is the diopters of correction figures that were often supplied for members of the sample to whom lenses were prescribed. Of the 135 members of the sample who edly became more myopic than they had been approximately 82 were ed to have worn eyeglasses. Single or multiple diopter of correction numbers were given for 29 or 31 of those for whom spectacles were prescribed. The two groups, those to whom lenses were prescribed and those who wore glasses, were not congruent; some to whom lenses were prescribed never wore them and some wore eyeglasses that were not prescribed for them.
Strengths of the method balance the limitations. “The great advantage of archival research is that it is truly nonreactive,” wrote Bernard (1994), and he described several successful studies that used archival resources. Strong reinforcement for examination of records and personal documents was given when Hindley (1982) wrote, “The last issue on which I wish to comment is that of the importance of paying attention to what happens to individuals in the course of development. It is only individuals who develop, and processes taking place can only be in individuals. Therefore, in my view, the first aim of developmental studies is not to obtain population norms, but to reveal processes.” When extensive records and useful augmenting materials are available, effective examination is possible. ()
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