The case of Behdini-Kurdish and Estonian范文[英语论文]

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范文:“The case of Behdini-Kurdish and Estonian ”  在这篇文章中,通过三组数据,使用略论提高语言技巧。心理表征的话语给思想沟通者提供了传达机会。换句话说,他必须相信话语中表达的是一个真正的事务状态的描述。这篇社会范文讲述了元表征的语言使用。如果不是如此,然后约翰的老板发现,约翰肯定会宽松的他的工作。这就是元表征。注意元表征关系的两件事,英语论文题目,它是基于相似,它是基于在相关方面的相似之处。

如果使用话语在类似的相关解释,英语论文,对于另一个方面表示,然后我们通过话语解释。元表征可能利用相似之处,几乎是任何类型的特性,并不局限于解释相似的特征。下面的范文讲述了这一问题。

Introduction 
In this I look at three sets of data where a metarepresentational use analysis appears to enhance the linguistic analysis. These are the 'aspective' marker da in Behdini Kurdish, the future marker dê in Behdini Kurdish and the so-called 'quotative mood' in Estonian.

Interpretive use and metarepresentation
An utterance gives evidence of mental representations (thoughts) that the communicator intended to convey. In situation B, the thought that John conveys must be a blief of his. In other words: he must believe that what is expressed in the utterance is a true description of a state of affairs. Were it not so, and would John's boss find out, then John would surely loose his job. In other words: John's utterance gives evidence of his thought THE GERMAN ECONOMY IS RECOVERING, which he intends to communicate and which he entertains as a true description of an actual state of 1 affairs. In situation A, things are different. For one thing, John could easily add 'but I don't believe this.' However, if Mary were to find out later that there was nothing in the news that is about the German economy, then Mary would feel deceived. John's utterance gives evidence of that fact that he entertains a thought which represents the content of what the news writers wrote. In other words: the explicature of John's utterance is a representation of another representation. This is what is called a metarepresentation.

Notice two things about this metarepresentation relation
-(a) It is based on resemblance, not identity. We can be sure that the article John is metarepresenting is much longer and contains a lot more detailed information. However, there is no requirement that the metarepresentation reproduces the lower order representation: rather, it is based on resemblance in relevant respects. The relevancetheoretic comprehension procedure explains how these indeterminacies are resolved. -(b) John's utterance resembles the news article(s) in terms of their content. This means that the lower-order representation shares logical (semantic) properties with the original one. This kind of resemblance is called interpretive resemblance. If utterances are used to be relevant in virtue of resembling another representation in terms of interpretive resemblance, then we say that the utterance is used interpretively, or that it is a case of interpretive use. Wilson (2017) points out that metarepresentation may exploit resemblances of virtually any kind of features and is not limited to the exploitation of interpretive resemblance.

According to Klaas (1997:91), the 'uniting of narrativity and doubting the reality is not a widespread phenomenon at all, it would rather be a peculiarity of the eastern Baltic areal.' If the Estonian -vat form were indeed a semantic mood whose semantics involves 'doubing the reality' (rather than a pragmatic effect that in general follows naturally from its semantics, as in my proposed analysis), this would indeed be a curious phenomenon. However, the analysis of the -vat form as a marker of attributive interpretive use throws a slightly different light on the issue, for interpretive use is intricately linked to narrative in a variety of ways. 

First, the telling of a story is actually an act of interpretive use. The story teller is metarepresenting the content of a representation (a story) which is attributed to the general cultural heritage. From this perspective, the use of conceptual or procedural indicators of (attributive) interpretive use is not unexpected. If a language can encode interpretive use in its verbal inflection, repeated use of this form might give the appearance of a 'narrative verb form.' Second, Smith (1990) has argued that the historic present in English (and presumably in other languages as well) '[forces] the reader to visualise the situation described as though he were there himself' (p. 92). In other words: the 'historic present' causes the reader to metarepresent the propositional content of the utterance in a world in which he is present. 

This may achieve further pragmatic effects such as causing a more vivid impression, or simply of drawing the reader into the narrative (Smith 1990:92 gives an example from a novel where the historic present is not used for vividness). This is, of course, a case of interpretive use. In Smith's account, this interpretive use reading is caused by the additional processing effort which the use of the present in an obvious past time context may cause. 

However, it is plausible that in a language that procedurally encodes interpretive use these interpretive use markers may be used to achieve this same effect: to get the reader to metarepresent the story content 16 in a world in which he is present. (Estonian also makes use of the historic present) There are thus a number of ways in which interpretive use and its overt marking may be naturally linked to narrative. Consequently, it shouldn't be surprising to find markers of interpretive use in narrative utterances/sentences. Actually, it might be worth investigating to what extent all so-called 'narrative verb forms' may actually be interpretive use variants of 'regular' tenses/aspects etc. Furthermore, 'narrative forms' may turn out to exploit interpretive use in different ways - in different languages and maybe even within one and the same.

Conclusion 
The main points illustrated in this and suggestions for further discussion were the following: 1. There are meaning categories on the borderline between mood and aspect that can find a unified account in terms of metarepresentation of possible thoughts. 2. The expression of future tense may be based on metarepresentation rather than descriptive use. Languages may differ in the way they treat future time. 3. Hearsay indicators - or rather: attributive interpretive use markers - may be used as narrative devices. 4. Narrative 'tenses' or other 'narrative' verb forms may be based on interpretive use cross-linguistically. However, there are different ways in which interpretive use may enter into narration.

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