The purpose of this thesis is to present the characteristics and problems of s/{p, t, k}(henceforce sC clusters) in the rule-based approach and to investigate how to solve these problems within the framework of Optimality-Theory.
The organization o...
The purpose of this thesis is to present the characteristics and problems of s/{p, t, k}(henceforce sC clusters) in the rule-based approach and to investigate how to solve these problems within the framework of Optimality-Theory.
The organization of segments within the syllable, and across syllables, is traditionally assumed to be driven by the Sonority Sequencing Principle, a property that ranks segments along a hierarchy from most sonorous to least sonorous. The principle introduced as early as the 19th century by Sievers(1881), and later by Jespersen(1904), explains, for instance, the tendency, within a syllable, of more sonorous segments to stand closer to the syllable peak than less sonorous ones
Although sonority-based principles of segment organization capture the most common patterns found across languages, they, however, are not without exceptions. As an example, sC clusters are frequently found across a number of languages despite the fact that they violate the Sonority Sequencing Principle. The main tendency in the phonological tradition has been to account for the occurrence of such violations by means of special syllabification rules or representations, which would make these sequences immune to sonority.
As it is well known, the interesting observations concerning onset in English are found in CC or CCC sequence including /s/. Such sC clusters have been considered an exception to the SSP.
In this thesis, I consider three analyses: Selkirk's(1982), Clements & Keyser's(1983) and Hogg & McCully's(1987). They have been explained to constitute a single segment under the onset rather than a branching constituent. And usual accounting of this exception is to grant /s/ a special license in the determination of syllable structure, to make it an affix to the normal templates of representation, or to exempt the segment from syllabic consideration by making it as an extrasyllabic. But all the considered methods don’t give us a satisfactory explanation regarding sC clusters.
This thesis shows how sC clusters can be represented in Optimality-Theory. Within the framework of Optimality-Theory and Correspondence-Theory, I show that, at least in the case of obstruent clusters, there is no need to stipulate any special rule or representation to justify their immunity to the principles of sonority.
Cho & King(1988) relies on the notion of semisyllables; they define semisyllables as syllables that contain no mora. Hammond(1999) assumes a combined constraint schemata *onset/XY which restricts a certain complex onsets. Morelli(1999) relies on two kinds of features. One is the manner dimension where the feature [continuant] is relevant and the other is the place dimension.
Barlow(2001) assumes sC clusters surface as adjuncts, rather than Complex onsets. Because high ranking markness constraints prevent complex onsets but not adjuncts.
In this thesis, Optimality-Theory is used to analyze the sC clusters through the interaction of faithfulness constraints, such as DEP, IDENT-IO, and MAX, with markness constraints. In this way, we solve the main problem of previous studies that stipulate special rules or representation for sC clusters in order to justify their immunity to the SSP. At the same time, we explain sC clusters which behave differently from non-sC clusters regardless of their sonority.
Finally, I conclude that previous sC clusters studies cannot be explained adequately with rule derivation or absolute principles. Therefore it should be got from the interaction on violable and relatively-ranked constraints. I show that OT approach is more advantageous than any other approaches in accounting for the sC clusters. And Optimality-Theory can describe the sC clusters more simply than the rule-based approach.
，韩语毕业论文，韩语论文题目 |
