One of the characteristics of language itself is that it changes continuously-chronologically and spatially ; as a matter of fact, various factors of language are constantly at work for change, Even a homogeneous language such as the Korean language i...
One of the characteristics of language itself is that it changes continuously-chronologically and spatially ; as a matter of fact, various factors of language are constantly at work for change, Even a homogeneous language such as the Korean language is not an exception to changes. It is natural for a language to change more especially when its speakers are seperated in two different areas and when there is no direct communication With each other.
Over forty-five years have passed since Korea was divided into the South and the North. To our surprise, during this period of national division after its own pattern, tremendous changes unprecedented, have been made in the Korean language.
The trend of the present language division in Korea seems to have stemmed from two major factors : One is that Korea has been divided into two different geographical areas by alien forces and that the state of that division has been maintained by the establishment of two different ideology-oriented administrations in these two regions so that people living in both parts cannot have any access to mutual communication. The other is that the two different administrations in each part of the divided land have developed their own independent and heterogeneous political, economic and cultural patterns, making no contact with each other but with their ideology-oriented cultural spheres of the world democratic and communist blocs. Besides radical language policies adopted and implemented to the letter by the north Korean communist regime have accelerated even further the trend of bifurcation and divergence of the Korean language.
It is noted that there is an abysmal gap between the views on the language held by the south Korean and their counterparts in the north Korea That is, the south Koreans regard their language not only as a means of communication but also as a carrier and contents of their culture itself whereas north Koreans emphasize that their speech is neither the carrier nor the expression of communication of indoctrination of their ideology but a tool or weapon by which the so-called society of laborers may by realized. These different views and attitudes on language have been well-attested in the language policies of the South and the North since 1945.
In this thesis I analyzed the language polices of the South and north Korea and compared them with each other with reference to the language planning theories.
1. Comparison with reference to the planning for language planning :
In the south Korea, Korean language planning institutions with a functional variety have been established, one of which is Hanguel Hakhoe 'the Korean Vernacular Society' which was founded by non-official civiliants and has been playing a continuous and consistent role, on the other hand in the north Korea there are only a small number of Korean language planning institutions established officially and supported by its government. They have played a consistent part in function and seem to have mutual close relations between themselves.
2. Comparison with reference to the language status planning :
In the South, the planning for the sole use of alphabet Hanguel is executed only at schools, though it is inconsistent. Its effect is weak. In the North, it is executed extensively on a large scale in the various social organizations as well as at schools. However each of the South and north Korea started teaching Chinese characters at schools again. The language status planing for the pure native Korean in the South and North is linked with the language elaboration. The north Korea communists make more positive efforts in this planning than the South Koreans do. Each effort of the language status plannings for the standard varieties in the South and the North has solidified the trend of heterogeniety of the Korean language.
3. Comparison with reference to the language corpus planning :
(1) Each of the South and the North had used conventional Romanization with little difference. In 1984 the South Koreas made an amendment for Romanization adopting practical phoneticism, while the north Korea communists made 'Chosun o˘ oere o˘ pyokipo˘b' (Romanization of Korean) in 1956, in which an amendment for Romanization is included and is an mixing system of phonetic principle and morphology.
(2) In 1985 the South Koreans gave notice of an amendment for the Koreanization of loan and foreign words which had been amended twice, which comprises using 24 alphabets, the principle of one symbol for one phoneme, and the transcription rules for finals. The north Korea communists made 'Oegukmal cho˘kkipo˘b' (Koreanization of foreign words) independtly in 1969 and amended it in 1983. The amendment in 1984 includes the transcription method using the Soviet Union' s language style directed by Kim Cho˘ng-il and adopted the principle of original sound of a character.
(3) The South Koreans had used the suggestions about the rules of spelling amended many times by 'Hanguel Hakhoe'. In 1988 the South Koreans promulgated an amendment reflecting much actualty of the present Korean language. In 1988 the north Korea communists made an amendment, 'Choso˘nmal Kyubo˘m chip', where the rules of spelling are included with the rules of 'writing leaving space between the words' and sentence symbols. According to the rules of spelling an interval mark(｀), once written instead of 'interval' 'ㅅ', was abolished completely in 1966, and so those rules of spelling in the South and the North come to have the similar rules each other.
(4) In the pronunciation of the standard varieties, the South Koreans acknowledge 'the length of vowels' in the first syllable of a word, considering the traditionality and rationalism of the actual pronuciations which are not neglected in the standard pronunciations. The north Koreans acknowledge Pyo˘ngyang-dialects as the basic dialects of their standard variety, Munhwa o˘ and also abolished 'alliteration' and 'the length of vowls' as the result of acknowledging Hamkyo˘ng-dialects.
In the case of compiling the dictionaries of vocabulary, non-official civiliants and institutions in the South have mainly compiled various dictionaries, whereas the north Korean government has consistently compiled them, and compiling dictionaries may be one of the important tasks of the movement of Munhwa o˘ and is under the forceful control of their Munhwa o˘ policies.
In 1984 the South Koreans completed unified grammar which is one of the prescrptive grammar and is composed of nine parts of speech on the basis of conventional eclecticism, on the other hand the north Koreans had completed their presciptive grammar earlier from 1960 to 1976, which is composed of eight parts of speech and 'To' on the basis of synthesis and which establishes broader grammar category.
So far I analyzed the language policies of the South and north Korea with reference to the language planning theories and compared them with each other. The results discussed and verified here are summarized as follows :
In the South Korea, non-official civiliants and institutions have played a remarkable part in performing and leading language policies and movements, on the contrary, in the north Korea its government has consistently performed and taken the initiatiative in their language policies. That is, not only the planning for language planning but also the language corpus planning have been performed voluntarily and taken part in them by the non-official civiliants and institutions in the South, while they have been performed within the limit of the government in the north Korea. The language policies for the language status planning have been implemented by each of the governments of the South and the North.
，韩语毕业论文，韩语毕业论文 |
