The purpose of this dissertation is to reconstruct the phonological system of Old Korean. Most of the previous studies on Old Korean phonology used the Old Korean data written in borrowed Chinese characters. However, the data written in borrowed Chine... The purpose of this dissertation is to reconstruct the phonological system of Old Korean. Most of the previous studies on Old Korean phonology used the Old Korean data written in borrowed Chinese characters. However, the data written in borrowed Chinese characters are small in quantity, meanwhile, they are too difficult to decipher. More seriously, there are varieties of substrata in the data written in borrowed Chinese characters, therefore, it is impossible to reconstruct the synchronic phonological system of Old Korean precisely by using those data. On the other hand, the data of the sounds of Sino-Korean passed down are abundant and systematic. Thus, in this dissertation, I used the sounds of Sino-Korean as the main data to reconstruct Old Korean phonological system. However, the sounds of Sino-Korean have been recognized as a system with a few substrata, too. When I used the data of the sounds of Sino-Korean to reconstruct Old Korean phonological system, I needed to solve this problem first. In Chapter 2, unlike previous studies, I considered there is only one substratum in the sounds of Sino-Korean. First, in 2.1, I pointed out the immanent problem of the previous theory which stated that there are a few substrata in the sounds of Sino-Korean. As the sounds of Sino-Korean were borrowed from ancient Chinese, the substrata of the sounds of a few characters might be different. Rarely, would the substrata of the sounds of Sino-Korean depend on the classification of ancient Chinese sounds. In 2.2, I looked into the aspect that the initials(聲母), medials(介音), vowels(韻腹) and endings(韻尾), tones(聲母) of ancient Chinese reflected in the sounds of Sino-Korean. Excluding Hāi rhyme(咍韻), almost all of the aspect in the sounds of Sino-Korean could be explained by borrowing from Cháng’ān(長安) dialect during the late 8th century and early 9th century. All the sounds of the Sino-Korean which were believed to be other substrata in the previous studies could be explained to this substratum by referring to recent studies on ancient Chinese phonology. Because there is only one single substratum in the sounds of Sino-Korean, I could reconstruct the synchronic phonological system of Old Korean according to the sounds of Sino-Korean in Chapter 3. In Chapter 3, I first analyzed the Old Korean phonemes out and systematized them on the basis of the aspect reflected in the sounds of Sino-Korean. Next, I reviewed subjects of Old Korean phonology which were debated in previous studies on Old Korean phonology and then revised my reconstruction. In 3.1, I considered that neither glottalized consonants nor voiced plosive consonants existed in Old Korean, depending on the existing data. I insisted that when the sounds of Sino-Korean were borrowing, the aspirated consonants of Old Korean were going on their phonemecization process and velar fricative [*x] was an allophone of Old Korean /h/. It seemed that the initial ‘ㅿ’ in the sounds of Sino-Korean existed in Old Korean, because there is no substrative difference between the sounds of Rì(日母) initial characters and the sounds of other initial characters. However, I merely claimed that ‘ㅿ’ only existed in Sino-Korean words, it had not appeared in the native language at the period. Moreover, as the confusion between coronal fricatives and coronal affricates is uncommon in the sounds of Sino-Korean, I deemed that the distinction between coronal fricatives and coronal affricates existed in Old Korean. In 3.2, I analyzed the vowels of Old Korean out by observing the aspect that the vowels of ancient Chinese reflected in the sounds of Sino-Korean first, after that, I looked through the oppositions between the vowels. Then I considered the vowel harmony and modified my reconstruction of the vowel system. The vowel system of Old Korean I reconstructed was almost like the vowel system of Late Middle Korean Kim(1978) reconstructed. It conflicted the vowel shift hypothesis formulated in Lee(1972). I studied Jilinleishi(鷄林類事), Chaoxianguanyiyu(朝鮮館譯語) which are Early Middle Korean data, and Hongmujeong’unyeokhun(洪武正韻譯訓), Saseongtonghae(四聲通解), Beonyeoknogeoldaebaktongsa(飜譯老乞大朴通事) which are Late Middle Korean data. Then I confirmed that the vowel shift did not happen, according to the sounds of Sino-Korean data. It appeared that only ‘ㅓ’ changed to be a central vowel before Late Middle Korean. Not only from the sounds of Sino-Korean and the loanwords from Mongolian language, but also from the subsequent changes including the change of ‘ㅸ’ and the vowel rounding phenomenon, proofs that ‘ㅜ∼ㅡ’, ‘ㅗ∼ㆍ’ were opposed by [±rounded] could be found out. Also, as the most basic vowels, ‘ㅣ’ and ‘ㅏ’ did not change. Hence, except the centralization of ‘ㅓ’, I contended that the vowel shift did not happen from Old Korean to Late Middle Korean, according to the sounds of Sino-Korean data. ，韩语毕业论文，韩语论文 |
