This analyzes the national methods to define and support family problems after IMF, by focusing on the establishment/revision process of the Healthy Family Act enacted in 2004, and its practice based on it. As the first law directly targeting fa... This analyzes the national methods to define and support family problems after IMF, by focusing on the establishment/revision process of the Healthy Family Act enacted in 2004, and its practice based on it. As the first law directly targeting family in Korean society, the Healthy Family Act is the text showing the official method of the state to cope with 'family crisis/changes' after IMF. Also, from the period of its establishment, the Healthy Family Act was working as a place for defining family 'changes', and suggesting 'problems' and 'solution strategies' by diverse entities, and through this process, the 'family crisis' that should be intervened by the state was concretely signified and institutionalized as a problem. This reveals the formation and effects of discourses representing 'family problems' and 'national support method', by analyzing disputes over the Healthy Family Act and also statements suggested in the practice process afterward. This uses the discourse analysis considering policy as an analysis text. In this case, the 'family problem' as a subject of policy is suggested as a social agenda rather than existing as an objective fact, and it is also selected and composed through the process of forming laws and institution. Therefore, this examines the political context in which family crisis has been rising as an area of policy, and also analyzes disputes in the period of establishing/revising the Healthy Family Act, family problems structuralized through the practice of the Healthy Family Basic Plan 1 & 2, and the Healthy Family Support Center, and changes in the national support method for each issue. Generally, the conflict composition about the Healthy Family Act is understood as conservative family view versus progressive family view. The family discourse of the Healthy Family Act reflects the conservative family view while the Healthy Family Basic Plan and Healthy Family Support Center are claiming to stand for the progressive family view. Regarding the process of appearing and developing the healthy family discourse, instead of the process of selecting one out of the conservative family view and progressive family view, this argues that it was the process of newly defining 'family problem' that should be supported by the state as there were cracks on the image of 'family' which was taken for granted in Korean society, and through this process, the nature of family policy has been changed. In spite of its changes in the establishment/revision, and government & department in charge from the dispute period to the present(2015), the healthy family discourse has a certain directivity, which can be summarized as three characters like below. First, the state should support both 'normal families' and 'diverse families'. Second, the state's intervention in family should be done by supporting the voluntary competency reinforcement of individuals and families. Third, for the pursuit of gender equality, work and family should be able to be compatible. For this, women's participation in labor market should be guaranteed while also supporting men's family life. Such changes in the family policy paradigm originated from a new family discourse are reflecting demands from diverse social groups. Even though it looks like suggesting the active support for family, such problems like concrete survival or realistic inequality are ignored by limiting family to the unit of closeness, and also defining family problems as issues of values, emotion, awareness, and culture. Also, limiting the state's responsibility and role to the minimal intervention, and then suggesting social solutions to prevent problems by voluntarily developing competency based on the responsibility of individuals and families, eventually, the reproduction cost related to caring is shifted to market and families. Such programs to promote women's participation in labor market and men's participation in family life are limited to manage problems caused by the existing gender role by simply considering the differences and conflicts between the sexes as issues of interpersonal relation while ignoring the basic social structure causing them. Therefore, the family problems suggested by healthy family discourse and the direction of family policy to solve them are shifting, accelerating, and hiding crisis rather than resolving family crisis. It is required to have new discussion to seek for the direction of family policy as a fundamental alternative for family crisis. ，韩语论文题目，韩语论文 |
