The purpose of this thesis is to provide an analysis of phonological changes that occur in English consonant adoption into Korean under the framework of Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky 1993).
The main questions this analysis tries to answer a...
The purpose of this thesis is to provide an analysis of phonological changes that occur in English consonant adoption into Korean under the framework of Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky 1993).
The main questions this analysis tries to answer are as follows: First, what strategies are used to make the syllable structure of source language (English) conform to that of target language (Korean)? Second, why is it that consonants are rarely deleted but the vowel [ɨ] is inserted between the consonants in the process of borrowing? Third, how can we account for the asymmetry between onset and coda positions with respect to vowel epenthesis? Lastly, when a consonant of loanwords does not exist in the Korean consonant inventory, which Korean segment can replace it?
The structure of the English syllable CVC is the same in Korean, but onset and coda consonants of English are different to those of Korean in the consonants inventory. For example, a syllable structure of 'value' /khaps/is CVCC on the underlying, but, the surface form account for [khap] has the syllable structure of CVC. I will explain this phonological phenomenon under the framework of Optimality Theory.
Only seven consonants [p, t, k, m, n, ŋ, l] are allowed in coda position of Korean words. Therefore, the source words such as bus are not allowed in coda position of Korean words. For this reason, a vowel /ɨ/ is inserted after an inacceptable consonant as in pəsɨ.
This thesis shows that some variants in loanwords such as cut and hip, including or not including [ɨ]-epenthesis in Korean, follow to the constraint ranking of borrowing language. According to the proposal by Tsukada, et al. (2004), a vowel is inserted after stops in coda position to provide intelligibility. I analyzed liquid adoption in terms of moraic position, accepting Lee, Y-J's proposal(2001) that lateral [l] occurs in a moraic position and [r] occurs in a non-moraic position. Also, I mentioned the necessity to consider the etymological origin of loanwords to account for /r/-deletion in coda.
The maximal syllable structure in English is CCCVCCCC in which three and four consonants can appear in onset and coda position, as in spring [spr-] and texts [-ksts], respectively. However, Korean maximal syllable structure is CGVC, in which consonant clusters are not allowed in margin position.
Due to the difference in syllable structure, some changes are requisite to loanwords with complex onset or complex coda. Korean has a tendency of inserting a vowel between complex segments. The vowel to be inserted is [ɨ], which has been considered to be unmarked in Korean. This thesis shows the asymmetry can be accounted for by the constraint O-to-O. This constraint is to explain that onset segments must always be loaned into onset segments even in newly formed syllables.
In the segmental level, adjustments are governed by a set of constraints that give the ways to solve the gaps in the phonemeinventories between English, the source language, and Korean, the target language. If there exists any common denominator between the two, faithfulness constraints take precedence over markedness constraints to make the loanwords more faithful to both languages.
In conclusion, an optimality theoretical analysis provided the phonological phenomenon concerning English loanwords in this thesis, is more adequate than previous rule-based theory, for it can account for any variants with constraint rankings and interactions between contraints.
，韩语论文，韩语论文范文 |
